Tuesday, September 29, 2026

Lebanon After the Financial Collapse: Can Economic Reforms Rebuild Trust in the State and the Economy?

 


Lebanon After the Financial Collapse: Can Economic Reforms Rebuild Trust in the State and the Economy?

By Mohamed Chaieb – ATEP MED / Arabic Digital Center for Media and Development

Lebanon's economic crisis is no longer simply a financial crisis.

It is a crisis of confidence.

Since 2019, the country has experienced one of the most severe economic and financial collapses in its modern history. The banking system became deeply impaired, the Lebanese pound lost most of its value, public debt became unsustainable, purchasing power deteriorated sharply, and millions of people were forced to adapt to a radically different economic environment.

The World Bank describes the period since 2019 as an unprecedented economic and financial crisis that left the banking sector insolvent and caused the Lebanese pound to lose approximately 98 percent of its value. The crisis also pushed more than one-third of the population into poverty.

Yet Lebanon has recently entered a new and uncertain phase.

Reforms have begun.

The banking sector restructuring framework has advanced.

Fiscal management has improved.

The exchange rate has shown greater stability.

Economic activity recovered during 2025.

But renewed conflict in 2026 has severely disrupted this fragile recovery.

The central question is therefore no longer simply whether Lebanon can stabilize its economy.

It is whether economic and institutional reforms can restore something that is much harder to rebuild:

public confidence.

From financial crisis to crisis of trust

Economic systems depend heavily on confidence.

People must believe that their savings are reasonably secure.

Businesses must believe that they can invest.

Investors must believe that contracts will be respected.

Citizens must believe that public institutions can manage resources responsibly.

Banks must believe that the financial system can function.

And international partners must believe that reforms will actually be implemented.

Lebanon's crisis damaged many of these forms of confidence simultaneously.

The banking crisis is perhaps the clearest example.

For years, Lebanese citizens had placed their savings in the banking system.

After the collapse, access to deposits became severely restricted, while the value of savings was dramatically affected by currency depreciation and financial losses.

The resulting social consequences were enormous.

The question of deposits is therefore not simply a technical banking issue.

It is a question of trust between citizens, banks and the state.

The banking sector at the center of the recovery

Lebanon cannot achieve durable economic recovery without addressing the condition of its banking sector.

The World Bank estimates that losses accumulated by Lebanon's insolvent banking sector reached approximately US$72 billion, equivalent to around three times the country's GDP.

This illustrates the scale of the problem.

A banking system cannot function normally when its balance sheets contain enormous unresolved losses.

Businesses cannot easily obtain productive credit.

Households cannot fully trust financial institutions.

Investors remain cautious.

And the economy struggles to finance new investment.

For this reason, banking-sector restructuring is one of the central elements of Lebanon's reform agenda.

Progress, but not a finished reform

There have been important steps.

In September 2026, the International Monetary Fund welcomed amendments to Lebanon's Bank Resolution Law, describing them as a significant step in advancing the restructuring strategy.

The IMF also emphasized that further work is required on the Financial Stabilization and Deposits Recovery Law, particularly to ensure depositor protection, financial sustainability and consistency with international standards.

This distinction is important.

Passing legislation is not the same as completing reform.

A law can establish a framework.

But the real test begins with implementation.

Banks must be assessed.

Losses must be allocated.

Governance must be strengthened.

Viable institutions must be preserved.

Non-viable institutions may need resolution.

And depositors need a credible and transparent mechanism for recovering their funds.

The deposit question

Few issues are more sensitive in Lebanon than the fate of bank deposits.

For ordinary citizens, deposits often represent years of work, savings and family security.

For businesses, they represent working capital and investment capacity.

For retirees, they can represent their entire financial safety net.

Therefore, any reform of the banking system must answer a fundamental question:

Who bears the losses created by the financial collapse, and according to what rules?

The IMF has stressed that the hierarchy of claims should be respected and that depositors should not absorb losses before shareholders and junior creditors.

This issue is central to rebuilding confidence.

A system perceived as unpredictable or unfair would make it difficult to persuade citizens to return their savings to banks.

A transparent system with clearly defined responsibilities could gradually restore confidence.

Fiscal reform and public finances

Banking reform alone will not solve Lebanon's crisis.

Public finances also require structural reform.

Lebanon's government has faced years of large fiscal imbalances and an unsustainable public debt burden.

The IMF now emphasizes the importance of a credible medium-term fiscal framework capable of restoring fiscal and debt sustainability while creating space for reconstruction and social protection.

This means that fiscal policy must address two objectives simultaneously.

The first is financial sustainability.

The second is social protection.

A government cannot restore confidence by imposing adjustment measures that place unbearable pressure on households.

At the same time, it cannot finance permanent expenditure through unsustainable borrowing.

The challenge is therefore to establish a fiscal system that is credible, predictable and socially sustainable.

Taxation and the social contract

Tax reform is another part of the equation.

A functioning state needs revenues.

But citizens are more willing to pay taxes when they believe that public money is collected fairly and used transparently.

This creates a link between taxation and trust.

If citizens perceive the tax system as unequal, inefficient or disconnected from public services, compliance becomes more difficult.

If taxation is combined with better public services, greater transparency and stronger accountability, the relationship can gradually change.

Lebanon therefore needs more than additional revenue.

It needs a stronger fiscal social contract between the state and citizens.

Governance and corruption

Economic reform cannot be separated from governance.

A technical banking law cannot rebuild confidence if institutions remain weak.

An IMF governance and corruption diagnostic published in 2026 identified vulnerabilities linked to outdated legal frameworks, fragmented oversight, institutional weaknesses and weaknesses in the rule of law. It recommended reforms involving central-bank governance, financial-sector oversight and public financial management.

This is particularly significant because financial confidence depends on institutional credibility.

Investors need regulators they can trust.

Citizens need public institutions they consider accountable.

Banks need clear supervisory rules.

And international organizations need confidence that reforms will be implemented consistently.

The central bank and financial governance

The central bank occupies a critical position in Lebanon's financial system.

Its governance, supervision and monetary role have enormous implications for confidence.

Rebuilding the credibility of the financial system therefore requires clear rules concerning:

Central-bank governance.

Bank supervision.

Financial disclosure.

Risk management.

Auditing.

Regulatory independence.

And accountability.

The objective is not simply to restore the banking system that existed before the crisis.

Lebanon needs a stronger financial architecture capable of preventing similar vulnerabilities from accumulating again.

The role of international support

Lebanon's recovery will require substantial external financing.

The World Bank's assessment has identified very large reconstruction and recovery needs.

But international financing is unlikely to substitute indefinitely for domestic reforms.

External partners can provide financing, technical assistance and expertise.

They can support infrastructure.

They can help strengthen institutions.

They can contribute to reconstruction.

But the credibility of Lebanon's recovery will ultimately depend on domestic implementation.

International assistance can support reform.

It cannot replace the institutions responsible for implementing it.

The fragile recovery of 2025

Despite the depth of the crisis, Lebanon showed signs of economic recovery during 2025.

The World Bank initially estimated real GDP growth at 3.5 percent in 2025, supported by stronger consumption, tourism, remittances and some progress on reforms.

The later World Bank assessment estimated growth at 4.2 percent in 2025, while emphasizing that the recovery remained fragile.

This demonstrates an important point.

Lebanon's economy still possesses considerable resilience.

Tourism can recover.

Remittances remain important.

Private consumption can respond quickly to stabilization.

Construction and real estate can react to improved confidence.

And Lebanese businesses have demonstrated considerable ability to adapt to difficult circumstances.

But resilience is not the same as structural recovery.

The shock of 2026

The renewed conflict in 2026 has complicated the recovery dramatically.

The World Bank now projects that Lebanon's economy will contract by 6.4 percent in 2026, after the conflict disrupted tourism, investment, supply chains and domestic demand.

The conflict has also created additional reconstruction and humanitarian requirements.

This means that Lebanon is attempting to reform its financial system while simultaneously dealing with new economic damage.

The challenge is therefore much greater than it appeared at the beginning of 2026.

Reconstruction and the economy

Reconstruction can become an economic opportunity if it is managed effectively.

Housing must be rebuilt.

Infrastructure must be repaired.

Businesses need support.

Schools and hospitals require investment.

Transport and electricity systems need restoration.

But reconstruction should not simply reproduce the structures that existed before the crisis.

It should be used to improve resilience.

Infrastructure can become more efficient.

Public services can become more digital.

Energy systems can become more reliable.

Cities can be rebuilt with greater attention to climate resilience.

And local businesses can be integrated into reconstruction supply chains.

In this sense, reconstruction can become part of economic transformation.

Electricity and public services

One of Lebanon's most persistent structural problems concerns public services, particularly electricity.

An economy cannot function efficiently when businesses and households must rely heavily on expensive alternative energy sources.

Reliable electricity is essential for:

Industry.

Tourism.

Digital services.

Healthcare.

Education.

Small businesses.

And household welfare.

Reforming public utilities can therefore have effects far beyond the energy sector.

Better electricity services can reduce costs for businesses and households while improving productivity.

Tourism and the Lebanese economy

Tourism remains an important component of Lebanon's economic model.

The country has cultural, historical, geographical and social assets that can attract visitors from the region and beyond.

But tourism is highly sensitive to security and political instability.

The renewed conflict in 2026 demonstrates how quickly tourism can be affected by regional developments. The World Bank specifically identifies tourism as one of the sectors hit by the latest conflict.

This suggests that Lebanon needs to diversify its growth model rather than relying too heavily on any single sector.

Remittances: strength and limitation

Lebanese communities abroad have long played an important role in supporting families and the wider economy.

Remittances provide foreign currency and help sustain household consumption.

They also provide a form of financial resilience during periods of crisis.

But remittances cannot replace domestic economic reform.

Money sent by Lebanese abroad can help families survive.

It cannot by itself create a functioning banking sector, sustainable public finances or productive domestic investment.

The long-term objective should therefore be to transform part of these financial inflows into productive investment.

Restoring private investment

Lebanon's private sector has historically been one of its major economic strengths.

Businesses, entrepreneurs and professionals have demonstrated significant adaptability.

But private investment requires confidence.

An investor asks several questions:

Will the currency remain stable?

Can profits be transferred?

Are contracts enforceable?

Can the banking system provide financial services?

Are taxes predictable?

Are regulations transparent?

Will political instability threaten the investment?

The answers to these questions determine whether capital remains inside the country or moves elsewhere.

Economic reform is therefore ultimately about creating an environment in which productive investment becomes possible again.

The importance of small businesses

Large companies attract attention, but small and medium-sized businesses may be even more important for employment and local recovery.

SMEs can operate in:

Food production.

Tourism.

Technology.

Professional services.

Construction.

Agriculture.

Logistics.

Healthcare.

Education.

And creative industries.

Reconstruction policies should therefore ensure that smaller Lebanese companies can participate.

If reconstruction contracts are concentrated exclusively among large external companies, much of the economic multiplier may leave the country.

If local SMEs participate, reconstruction can generate wider employment and business activity.

The social dimension of reform

Economic reforms cannot be judged only by macroeconomic indicators.

Citizens experience reform through everyday life.

Can they access their savings?

Can they find work?

Can they afford food?

Can businesses obtain financing?

Can families access healthcare?

Can students continue their education?

Can people pay electricity bills?

Can retirees maintain their purchasing power?

These questions determine whether economic reform produces a sense of recovery at the household level.

A successful stabilization program must therefore combine financial discipline with social protection.

Can trust be rebuilt?

Trust is not restored through announcements.

It is rebuilt through repeated evidence.

A depositor needs to see that the banking system is becoming transparent.

A business owner needs to see predictable regulations.

A taxpayer needs to see better public services.

An investor needs to see credible institutions.

A citizen needs to see accountability.

An international partner needs to see reforms implemented rather than repeatedly postponed.

In other words:

Trust is an outcome of institutional performance.

What would a credible recovery require?

Several elements appear central to Lebanon's economic recovery.

First, a credible banking-sector restructuring process.

Second, a transparent and sustainable mechanism for addressing deposits and financial-sector losses.

Third, a medium-term fiscal framework.

Fourth, stronger public financial management.

Fifth, improved central-bank governance and financial supervision.

Sixth, measures that strengthen the rule of law and institutional accountability.

Seventh, reliable public services, particularly electricity.

Eighth, reconstruction policies that support local businesses.

Ninth, measures that encourage productive private investment.

And tenth, social protection capable of protecting vulnerable households during the transition.

These reforms are interconnected.

Banking reform without fiscal reform will remain incomplete.

Fiscal reform without governance reform will struggle to generate confidence.

Governance reform without economic opportunity will not be sufficient to improve living standards.

A new economic relationship between state and citizen

Perhaps the deepest issue facing Lebanon is the relationship between the state and its citizens.

For years, citizens have developed strategies to compensate for weaknesses in public institutions.

Families rely on relatives abroad.

Businesses develop private solutions.

Households find alternative sources of electricity.

People increasingly conduct transactions in foreign currency.

Communities create informal support networks.

These adaptations demonstrate resilience.

But they also reveal how much responsibility has shifted away from the state.

The long-term objective of reform should therefore be to rebuild capable public institutions that can once again provide essential services and enforce predictable rules.

Conclusion: Reform is ultimately about confidence

Lebanon's financial collapse was not simply a story about debt, banks and currency.

It was a profound crisis of confidence.

The country lost financial stability, but it also experienced a major erosion of trust in institutions and economic rules.

Recent reforms provide an opportunity to begin rebuilding that confidence.

The approval and amendment of banking legislation, improvements in fiscal management and efforts to establish a medium-term fiscal framework are important elements of the process. The IMF has explicitly linked banking restructuring, fiscal sustainability and institutional reform to the possibility of a durable recovery.

But the challenge has become more difficult because the fragile recovery of 2025 was disrupted by renewed conflict in 2026.

The World Bank's latest assessment shows how quickly economic progress can be reversed when instability returns.

Lebanon therefore faces two interconnected tasks.

It must rebuild its physical economy.

And it must rebuild confidence in the institutions that govern that economy.

The first requires money, investment and reconstruction.

The second requires transparency, accountability, credible laws and consistent implementation.

Ultimately, the success of Lebanon's economic reforms will not be measured only by GDP growth or financial indicators.

It will also be measured by whether citizens once again believe that their savings can be protected, businesses can invest, institutions can be trusted and the state can provide predictable rules and essential services.

Lebanon's economic recovery will become sustainable only when financial stabilization is transformed into institutional confidence and when institutional confidence is transformed into productive investment, employment and improved living standards.

That is the deeper test facing the Lebanese economy.


Keywords: Lebanon economy, Lebanon financial crisis, Lebanon banking crisis, Lebanon economic reforms, Lebanon deposits, Lebanon banking sector, Lebanon public debt, Lebanon IMF, Lebanon World Bank, Lebanon reconstruction, Lebanon investment, Lebanon governance, Lebanon economic recovery, Lebanon financial reform, Lebanon development, Middle East economy

Sources: World Bank, International Monetary Fund.

ATEP MED – Arabic Digital Center for Media and Development
Written and published by Mohamed Chaieb
atepmed@gmail.com

Algeria, Youth and the Labor Market: Why Do Job Creation and Local Development Remain a Challenge Despite the Country’s Economic Potential?

 


Algeria, Youth and the Labor Market: Why Do Job Creation and Local Development Remain a Challenge Despite the Country’s Economic Potential?

By Mohamed Chaieb – ATEP MED / Arabic Digital Center for Media and Development

Algeria has many of the ingredients normally associated with economic opportunity: abundant energy resources, a large domestic market, substantial public infrastructure, a young population, agricultural and mineral potential, and a strategic geographical position between Europe, the Mediterranean and Africa.

Yet one of the country's most persistent economic and social questions remains unresolved:

Why does creating sufficient employment for young Algerians remain difficult despite the country's considerable economic potential?

The question goes beyond unemployment statistics. It concerns the structure of the economy, the relationship between education and employment, the role of the private sector, regional disparities, informal activity, entrepreneurship and the ability of local economies to generate sustainable jobs.

A young population: opportunity and challenge

A large young population can be a major economic advantage when people have access to education, productive employment and opportunities to create businesses.

But demographics alone do not create economic growth.

Young people need an economy capable of absorbing new workers and using their skills productively.

The United Nations Development Programme has identified youth employment, skills development, innovation and regional economic opportunities as important elements in converting the Maghreb's demographic potential into inclusive growth.

For Algeria, this means that young people should not be viewed only as beneficiaries of social policy.

They can become an important productive resource for the national economy.

The youth employment challenge

According to World Bank data based on ILO modelled estimates, youth unemployment among people aged 15–24 in Algeria was approximately 29.4 percent in 2025.

This figure should be interpreted carefully. Youth unemployment refers to young people who are participating in the labor force but do not have employment; it does not mean that nearly 30 percent of all young Algerians are unemployed.

Nevertheless, it illustrates the difficulty of integrating young people into the labor market.

The challenge becomes more complicated when employment opportunities are concentrated in particular cities and sectors.

A young graduate may possess qualifications but still face difficulties finding employment that corresponds to those qualifications.

This is where the connection between education, investment and labor-market demand becomes crucial.

Economic growth does not automatically create enough jobs

Algeria has experienced relatively strong economic growth in recent years.

The World Bank estimates that GDP grew by around 3.8 percent in 2025.

But economic growth and employment do not always move at the same speed.

Some sectors require substantial investment but employ relatively few workers because they are capital-intensive.

Energy is an obvious example.

A large industrial or energy project can generate substantial economic output while requiring a relatively limited workforce once construction is completed.

This does not make such projects unnecessary.

Rather, it means that Algeria needs complementary sectors capable of generating employment on a wider scale.

Agriculture, food processing, tourism, construction, logistics, manufacturing, digital services and small businesses can create employment around major investments.

The objective should therefore be to transform investment into wider economic ecosystems.

The role of the public sector

The Algerian state has historically played an important role in employment and economic activity.

Public institutions provide essential services and have traditionally absorbed a significant share of the workforce.

This model has contributed to social stability and access to public services.

However, the state cannot indefinitely be the principal source of employment for every new generation entering the labor market.

The private sector must increasingly become capable of generating sustainable jobs.

The International Monetary Fund has emphasized private-sector development, improved productivity, reduced informality and better access to finance as important elements of Algeria's economic transformation.

This requires a gradual change:

from an employment model heavily dependent on public-sector expansion toward one in which private productive activity becomes a larger source of jobs.

The private sector and young workers

For a young Algerian, economic opportunity can take several forms.

It can mean employment in a private company.

It can mean creating a small business.

It can mean working in agriculture or industry.

It can mean providing professional services.

It can mean working remotely for clients in another region or another country.

It can also mean developing a technology-based business.

But all these options depend on the business environment.

Companies need access to financing, markets, infrastructure, skilled workers and predictable regulations.

Young entrepreneurs need more than financial support.

They also need training, mentoring, markets and administrative systems that do not make business creation unnecessarily difficult.

The development of a dynamic private sector is therefore closely connected to the country's ability to create employment.

Education and the skills gap

One of the most important issues is the relationship between education and labor-market demand.

A university degree can provide valuable knowledge, but many employers require practical and technical skills in addition to academic qualifications.

These can include:

Digital technologies, foreign languages, data analysis, accounting, marketing, industrial maintenance, renewable-energy systems, logistics, programming, cybersecurity and specialized technical skills.

The solution is not simply to increase the number of university graduates.

Algeria needs stronger connections between universities, vocational institutions and employers.

Companies should participate more actively in defining training needs.

Students should have greater access to internships and practical experience.

Vocational education should respond more rapidly to technological and industrial changes.

The result would be a smoother transition from education to employment.

Women and employment

The labor-market challenge also has an important gender dimension.

World Bank data indicate that unemployment among Algerian women remains significantly higher than the overall unemployment rate.

This represents an economic issue as well as a social one.

When educated women remain outside productive employment, the country loses part of its available human capital.

Improving women's access to employment can involve several areas:

Childcare services, transport, flexible working arrangements, entrepreneurship, digital work, professional training and access to finance.

The development of digital and home-based professional services could also provide additional opportunities, particularly for women who face geographical or family constraints.

The informal economy

Informal activity provides income for many people when formal employment opportunities are limited.

Small informal businesses can respond quickly to local demand and provide essential services.

However, informality can also limit productivity and business growth.

Informal workers often have weaker social protection.

Businesses may have limited access to formal credit.

Companies may find it difficult to expand.

And the state loses part of the potential tax base.

The IMF has identified informality as one of the factors limiting private-sector development and productivity in Algeria.

The objective should therefore be to make formalization more attractive.

Simpler procedures, digital registration, access to finance, affordable social contributions and easier access to markets could encourage small enterprises to enter the formal economy.

Local development is essential

Employment cannot be solved only through national economic policies.

Algeria is geographically large and its regions have very different economic characteristics.

The economic opportunities of Algiers are not the same as those of the High Plateaus or the southern wilayas.

This makes local development essential.

Each region can build on its own resources.

Agricultural regions can develop food processing and agricultural services.

Southern areas can combine energy, mining, tourism and renewable energy.

Coastal regions can strengthen logistics, fisheries, tourism and manufacturing.

Major cities can develop technology, professional services and digital industries.

The principle should be:

Create economic opportunities where people live by developing the productive potential of each territory.

Agriculture and rural employment

Agriculture offers significant opportunities for local employment, but development should go beyond traditional farming.

The real potential lies in agricultural value chains.

Production can be connected to:

Food processing.

Storage.

Packaging.

Transport.

Marketing.

Digital agricultural services.

And exports.

This creates employment beyond the farm itself.

A young person in a rural region could work in food processing, agricultural technology, logistics, marketing, irrigation systems or equipment maintenance.

Agriculture can therefore become a wider local economic ecosystem.

Digital employment

The digital economy offers another opportunity.

A young person living far from a major economic center can potentially provide services to companies elsewhere in Algeria or internationally.

Possible activities include software development, translation, graphic design, digital marketing, accounting, data processing, online education, cybersecurity and professional consulting.

But digital employment requires reliable internet infrastructure, relevant skills, secure payment systems and access to international markets.

Digital transformation should therefore be treated as part of employment policy rather than as a separate technological issue.

Entrepreneurship: opportunity, but not a universal solution

Entrepreneurship can create jobs and stimulate local development.

But it should not be presented as a solution for every unemployed young person.

Not every young person wants to become an entrepreneur.

Not every business idea will survive.

And access to finance alone cannot guarantee success.

A stronger approach is to provide young people with several pathways:

Employment.

Entrepreneurship.

Vocational training.

Freelancing.

Further education.

And professional mobility.

Economic policy should create an environment in which young people can choose among these options according to their skills and circumstances.

Social and solidarity economy

The social and solidarity economy may also contribute to employment, particularly in regions where conventional private investment is limited.

Cooperatives and social enterprises can operate in agriculture, recycling, tourism, handicrafts, food processing and community services.

They can connect economic activity with local needs.

For young people, this model can provide an alternative route into productive activity without requiring the scale of capital normally associated with larger companies.

What kind of investment creates jobs?

The question facing Algeria should not simply be:

How much is the country investing?

It should also be:

How many sustainable jobs are created by that investment, where are they created, and how many local companies participate?

A major project can generate much greater economic benefits when local businesses become suppliers and service providers.

Vocational institutions can train workers for the project.

Universities can develop research partnerships.

Small companies can provide transport, maintenance, catering, software or engineering services.

In this way, one investment project can create a much larger employment ecosystem.

From investment to regional economic ecosystems

A renewable-energy project, for example, should not be viewed only as an energy facility.

It can create demand for engineers, technicians, transport companies, maintenance services, digital systems, security, catering and professional services.

Local vocational institutions can prepare workers.

Small companies can become suppliers.

Young entrepreneurs can develop complementary services.

The same principle can apply to mining, agriculture, tourism and manufacturing.

This is how national investment can become local development.

Measuring employment differently

GDP growth remains an important economic indicator.

But it does not tell the entire story.

For young people, policymakers should also ask:

How many formal jobs were created?

How many young people found employment in their own regions?

How many women entered the labor market?

How many SMEs expanded their workforce?

How many startups survived beyond their first years?

How much did non-hydrocarbon exports increase?

How many graduates found employment corresponding to their qualifications?

Such indicators can show whether economic growth is reaching citizens.

Toward a national employment strategy

Algeria could benefit from stronger integration between national employment policy and regional development.

Instead of treating unemployment as one national figure, policymakers could identify the specific economic constraints of each region.

One area may need industrial investment.

Another may have agricultural potential.

Another may have tourism resources.

Another may have mining opportunities.

Another may require better digital infrastructure.

This approach would allow employment policies to be linked to actual economic opportunities.

The changing role of the state

The state will continue to play an important role in Algeria's economy.

The issue is not whether the state should withdraw from economic life.

It is how its role can evolve.

The state can provide infrastructure, education, healthcare, regulation, social protection and strategic investment.

Private companies can increasingly provide employment, innovation, exports, technology and services.

The objective is to create a productive relationship between public policy and private economic activity.

Youth as an economic asset

Algeria's young population should ultimately be viewed as an economic asset.

Young people can learn new technologies, create businesses, adapt to changing markets and develop international networks.

They can connect Algeria with African and European markets.

But demographic potential becomes an economic advantage only when institutions and markets create opportunities for participation.

This is why employment policy, education policy, digital transformation and regional development should not be treated as separate subjects.

They are parts of the same economic equation.

Conclusion: From unemployment to economic participation

Algeria's youth employment challenge cannot be solved by one program or one ministry.

It is connected to the country's wider economic structure.

Hydrocarbon dependence affects public finances.

Public-sector dominance influences employment patterns.

Limited private-sector development restricts job creation.

Skills mismatches make the transition from education to employment more difficult.

Informality limits productivity and social protection.

Regional disparities prevent opportunities from being distributed evenly.

Yet Algeria also possesses major opportunities.

Energy resources can finance investment.

Agriculture can create local value chains.

Mining can support industrial development.

Renewable energy can create new technical sectors.

Digital services can connect young Algerians to international markets.

And SMEs can distribute employment across regions.

The strategic task is to connect these opportunities.

Energy investment must connect with local businesses.

Education must connect with labor-market demand.

Infrastructure must connect with regional economies.

Entrepreneurship must connect with markets and finance.

And national development must connect with the aspirations of young people.

The objective should not simply be to reduce an unemployment statistic.

It should be to build an economy in which young Algerians can work, create, innovate and contribute to the development of their own regions.

Algeria's economic potential is considerable.

The decisive question is whether this potential can be transformed into productive employment, stronger local economies and meaningful economic participation for the country's young generation.

That is ultimately one of the central tests of Algeria's economic transformation.


Keywords: Algeria youth, Algeria youth unemployment, Algeria labor market, Algeria jobs, Algeria employment, Algeria young people, Algeria local development, Algeria private sector, Algeria entrepreneurship, Algeria SMEs, Algeria informal economy, Algeria skills gap, Algeria digital economy, Algeria regional development, Algeria economic diversification, North Africa youth employment

Sources: World Bank, International Monetary Fund, United Nations Development Programme, ILO modelled estimates.

ATEP MED – Arabic Digital Center for Media and Development
Written and published by Mohamed Chaieb
atepmed@gmail.com

Monday, September 28, 2026

Algeria After Economic Transformation: Can Energy Wealth Finance Sustainable Development Beyond Hydrocarbons?

 


Algeria After Economic Transformation: Can Energy Wealth Finance Sustainable Development Beyond Hydrocarbons?

By Mohamed Chaieb – ATEP MED / Arabic Digital Center for Media and Development

Algeria enters a new phase of economic transformation with an important advantage: enormous energy resources, a large domestic market, significant public infrastructure and a strategic geographical position between Europe and Africa.

Yet these advantages also conceal a structural challenge.

For decades, hydrocarbons have played a central role in Algeria's exports, public finances and foreign-exchange earnings. The World Bank estimates that oil and gas accounted for approximately 13 percent of GDP, 83 percent of exports and 46 percent of budget revenues during 2020–2024.

The question facing Algeria is therefore not whether it possesses enough resources.

It is whether the country can use its energy wealth to build an economy that is increasingly capable of generating growth, employment and exports outside hydrocarbons.

This question has become more important as Algeria pursues economic diversification while simultaneously increasing public investment and trying to strengthen private-sector participation.

A changing Algerian economy

Algeria's economic model has historically relied heavily on the state and energy revenues.

This model helped finance infrastructure, education, healthcare, social transfers and improvements in living standards.

But it also created a structural dependence on oil and gas revenues.

When hydrocarbon prices are high, government revenues and foreign-exchange earnings improve.

When prices fall, or when production or exports decline, pressure quickly appears in public finances and the external balance.

The World Bank identifies high dependence on hydrocarbon revenues as one of Algeria's main economic challenges and argues that successful transformation will require stronger private-sector-led growth, diversification and job creation.

The authorities have therefore introduced several reforms intended to encourage investment and reduce the economy's dependence on hydrocarbons.

These include reforms to investment rules, banking and monetary regulation, economic land, mining and trade.

The objective is gradually becoming clearer:

Use the resources of today's energy economy to finance the development of tomorrow's diversified economy.

Recent growth shows both progress and vulnerability

Algeria's recent economic performance provides evidence of both progress and continuing vulnerability.

According to the IMF's September 2026 Article IV assessment, real GDP growth reached an estimated 3.9 percent in 2025, compared with 3.7 percent in 2024. Growth was supported by strong investment, while hydrocarbon-sector growth remained relatively subdued. The IMF projects growth of 3.8 percent for 2026.

The important point is that non-hydrocarbon activity has also been expanding.

The IMF estimates non-hydrocarbon growth at 4.3 percent in both 2024 and 2025, with a projected 4 percent in 2026.

This suggests that diversification is not simply a government slogan.

There are already sectors outside hydrocarbons contributing to economic activity.

But the challenge is to determine whether this expansion can become sufficiently strong and productive to reduce the economy's structural dependence on energy revenues.

The price of fiscal dependence

Hydrocarbon wealth provides Algeria with an important fiscal resource.

However, the country's recent fiscal position demonstrates the risks of maintaining large public expenditures while revenues remain sensitive to energy markets.

The IMF reported that Algeria's fiscal deficit remained very large in 2025, at around 10.5 percent of GDP, despite narrowing from the previous year. Public debt increased to approximately 52.1 percent of GDP.

The Fund also warned that large financing needs and continued fiscal deficits have eroded Algeria's financial buffers.

This does not mean that Algeria's economic model is facing an immediate collapse.

Rather, it means that the country has a limited margin for continuing large fiscal deficits indefinitely.

Higher hydrocarbon prices provide temporary relief.

But the longer-term solution is broader.

Algeria needs stronger non-hydrocarbon revenues, more efficient public spending and greater productivity.

Can energy wealth finance diversification?

This is the central question.

In principle, Algeria's energy resources can provide the capital required to diversify the economy.

Oil and gas revenues can finance:

Industrial infrastructure.

Transport networks.

Digital infrastructure.

Education and vocational training.

Agricultural modernization.

Renewable energy.

Mining development.

Research and innovation.

Small and medium-sized enterprises.

And export-oriented industries.

But spending energy revenues does not automatically create diversification.

The critical question is how the money is invested.

Investment in productive sectors can generate future revenues and employment.

Investment that produces limited economic returns can increase fiscal pressure without creating sufficient productive capacity.

This is why the efficiency of public investment is becoming increasingly important.

The IMF has specifically called for improved public-investment efficiency as part of Algeria's diversification strategy.

Agriculture: an opportunity beyond hydrocarbons

Agriculture represents one of Algeria's major opportunities for diversification.

The country has a large domestic market and significant agricultural potential, but also faces water scarcity, climatic pressures and regional disparities.

The objective should not simply be to increase agricultural production.

It should be to build an integrated agricultural economy.

That means connecting farmers to:

Food processing.

Storage.

Transportation.

Packaging.

Distribution.

Digital markets.

Export networks.

Such integration can create value far beyond the farm itself.

A tomato, for example, generates limited economic value when sold as an unprocessed commodity.

The same agricultural product can generate substantially more value when connected to processing, packaging, branding and export.

The broader lesson is that diversification requires value chains, not isolated production.

Mining and the new diversification agenda

Mining is another area receiving increased attention.

The IMF notes that Algeria's diversification efforts include mining and agriculture, while the country's reform program also seeks to strengthen competitiveness and private investment.

Algeria possesses significant mineral resources, and the mining sector could become an additional source of exports, industrial inputs and employment.

But mining should not simply replace one form of resource dependence with another.

If Algeria moves from dependence on hydrocarbons to dependence on minerals without developing processing industries, technology and domestic value chains, the structural problem would remain.

The strategic objective should therefore be:

From exporting resources to producing higher-value goods based on those resources.

Renewable energy and the European market

Algeria's geographical position gives it another major opportunity.

The country is close to Europe and already has extensive energy links with European markets.

The IMF has highlighted Algeria's energy resources and geographical position as assets that could strengthen its role in energy markets, particularly in Europe and Africa.

This creates opportunities not only for traditional natural gas exports but also for renewable energy and potentially green hydrogen and related industries.

The global energy transition is changing the nature of energy markets.

For Algeria, this could represent a challenge if global demand for hydrocarbons gradually changes.

But it could also represent an opportunity.

The country could use its existing energy infrastructure, engineering expertise and geographical position to develop new energy industries.

The transition should therefore not be understood simply as a threat to hydrocarbons.

It can become an opportunity to transform Algeria into a broader regional energy hub.

The private sector: the missing link?

One of the most important questions in Algeria's economic transformation concerns the role of private companies.

The IMF argues that deeper reforms are needed to support stronger and more resilient private-sector-led growth. Its priorities include improving the business climate, creating a more level playing field between state-owned enterprises and private firms, reducing regulatory barriers and addressing informality.

This is crucial because diversification cannot be achieved by government investment alone.

The state can build infrastructure.

It can create investment frameworks.

It can finance strategic projects.

But private companies are essential for creating a large and diverse productive economy.

They can identify market opportunities, develop products, create jobs and compete internationally.

For Algeria, therefore, economic transformation increasingly depends on finding an effective balance between the state's strategic role and private-sector dynamism.

Small and medium-sized enterprises

Small and medium-sized enterprises could become one of the most important engines of diversification.

Large infrastructure and industrial projects can create significant economic activity.

But SMEs can spread economic opportunity across regions and sectors.

They can operate in:

Food processing.

Logistics.

Tourism.

Digital services.

Construction.

Agriculture.

Renewable energy.

Manufacturing.

Professional services.

A diversified economy requires thousands of such companies rather than dependence on a limited number of large institutions.

Improving access to finance, simplifying administrative procedures and reducing barriers to market entry can therefore have a significant effect on diversification.

Employment: the social dimension of diversification

The success of economic diversification ultimately depends on employment.

The World Bank reports that Algeria's unemployment rate was 12.7 percent overall in 2024, with unemployment particularly high among women and young people aged 15–24.

This highlights an important point.

Diversification is not merely a macroeconomic objective.

It is a social necessity.

Young people need opportunities beyond public-sector employment.

Women need greater access to productive employment.

Regional communities need local economic opportunities.

And graduates need a labor market capable of absorbing new skills.

The private sector can play a central role here, particularly if investment flows toward labor-intensive and export-oriented industries.

Regional development

Algeria's diversification strategy also has a geographical dimension.

Economic activity has historically been concentrated in the northern coastal areas and major urban centers.

A sustainable development model must create opportunities in inland and southern regions as well.

Agriculture, mining, renewable energy, logistics, tourism and digital services can all contribute to regional development when supported by infrastructure and human capital.

The goal should not be to reproduce the same economic structure in every region.

Instead, Algeria can develop a regional specialization model in which each area builds on its own resources and comparative advantages.

The South, for example, can benefit from energy, mining, renewable energy and desert tourism.

Agricultural regions can develop food processing.

Coastal cities can expand logistics, manufacturing and international trade.

Urban centers can become hubs for technology and professional services.

The importance of exports

A genuinely diversified economy must eventually demonstrate its strength through exports.

Domestic consumption can support growth, but it cannot by itself provide the foreign currency required for long-term economic resilience.

Algeria therefore needs to expand non-hydrocarbon exports.

Potential areas include:

Processed agricultural products.

Pharmaceuticals.

Manufactured goods.

Construction services.

Digital services.

Mining products.

Renewable-energy technologies.

Petrochemical products.

And specialized professional services.

The IMF has emphasized the importance of reducing trade restrictions, improving competitiveness and promoting non-hydrocarbon exports as part of Algeria's diversification strategy.

This requires Algerian companies to become competitive not only inside Algeria but internationally.

Public investment: opportunity and risk

Public investment has played an important role in Algeria's recent growth.

But there is a delicate balance.

Investment can raise productive capacity.

However, large investment programs can also increase imports and fiscal pressures if domestic productive capacity is insufficient.

The IMF reported that investment-driven imports contributed to a significant deterioration in Algeria's current-account balance in 2025, while hydrocarbon exports declined.

This creates an important policy question:

How much of a major investment project's economic value remains inside Algeria?

If local companies supply materials, services and technology, the multiplier effect is stronger.

If most inputs are imported, a larger share of the financial benefit can flow abroad.

This is why developing local supply chains is essential.

The climate challenge

Algeria's diversification strategy must also account for climate change.

Water scarcity, desertification, rising temperatures and agricultural vulnerability can affect long-term development.

The World Bank has emphasized the importance of integrating climate considerations into development planning and improving resilience as Algeria seeks more competitive and sustainable growth.

This means that diversification cannot simply mean producing more.

It must also mean producing more efficiently.

Water-saving agriculture, renewable energy, energy efficiency, sustainable urban development and climate-resilient infrastructure will become increasingly important.

Can Algeria move beyond hydrocarbons?

The answer depends on what is meant by "beyond hydrocarbons."

Algeria is unlikely to stop depending on oil and gas in the short term.

Nor would that necessarily be economically rational.

The objective should instead be to reduce the relative dependence of exports, government revenues and employment on hydrocarbons.

That requires building alternative sources of growth.

Agriculture.

Industry.

Mining.

Tourism.

Digital services.

Renewable energy.

Logistics.

And export-oriented manufacturing.

The country's energy wealth can provide an important financial foundation for this transition.

But energy wealth alone cannot guarantee it.

From resource wealth to productive wealth

Algeria now faces a strategic choice.

It can continue using hydrocarbon revenues primarily to finance public expenditure and consumption.

Or it can increasingly use them to build productive assets capable of generating future growth.

The second path requires patience.

Factories take time to become competitive.

Young people require education and training.

Export companies need years to establish international markets.

Agricultural value chains require infrastructure.

Technology companies require investment and skilled workers.

And private-sector reforms take time to produce results.

But the long-term benefit could be significant.

The objective is to transform resource wealth into productive wealth.

Conclusion: Algeria's next economic test

Algeria has many of the ingredients required for successful economic diversification.

It has energy resources.

A large domestic market.

A strategic location.

Human capital.

Public infrastructure.

Agricultural and mineral potential.

And access to European and African markets.

The country has also made measurable progress in developing non-hydrocarbon activity and introducing reforms aimed at investment and diversification. The IMF's latest assessment confirms that growth remains robust and that diversification efforts are underway.

At the same time, significant challenges remain.

Large fiscal deficits have reduced financial buffers.

Hydrocarbon dependence remains high.

Private-sector development needs deeper reforms.

Non-hydrocarbon exports remain limited compared with the country's potential.

And employment opportunities for young people remain a major concern.

The central challenge is therefore not whether Algeria can afford to diversify.

It is whether it can convert today's energy revenues into tomorrow's productive economy.

If oil and gas revenues are increasingly invested in education, technology, infrastructure, agriculture, manufacturing, renewable energy and competitive private companies, Algeria could gradually reduce its vulnerability to energy-price cycles.

If diversification remains dependent mainly on public spending without sufficiently strong private-sector and export growth, the structural dependence on hydrocarbons will remain.

Algeria's economic future will therefore depend not only on how much energy it produces, but on what it builds with the wealth generated by that energy.

That is the real test of sustainable development.


Keywords: Algeria economy, Algeria economic diversification, Algeria hydrocarbons, Algeria oil and gas, Algeria sustainable development, Algeria private sector, Algeria investment, Algeria employment, Algeria exports, Algeria agriculture, Algeria mining, Algeria renewable energy, Algeria economic reform, North Africa economy

Sources: International Monetary Fund, World Bank.

ATEP MED – Arabic Digital Center for Media and Development
Written and published by Mohamed Chaieb
atepmed@gmail.com

Libya After Years of Conflict: Reconstruction, Institutional Unification and the Future of Development in Marginalized Regions

 


Libya After Years of Conflict: Reconstruction, Institutional Unification and the Future of Development in Marginalized Regions

By Mohamed Chaieb – ATEP MED / Arabic Digital Center for Media and Development

After more than a decade of political instability, institutional fragmentation and armed conflict, Libya faces a challenge that extends far beyond rebuilding damaged infrastructure.

The country must rebuild institutions, restore public services, revive local economies and create a development model capable of reaching communities that have remained outside the main centers of economic and political activity.

Libya possesses considerable financial and natural resources. Yet the country's development indicators and institutional capacity remain below what might be expected from an oil-rich middle-income country. The World Bank describes institutional fragmentation, weak public-sector performance, regional disparities and limited private-sector development as major constraints on Libya's recovery.

The question facing Libya is therefore not simply:

How can the country rebuild what was destroyed?

It is:

How can reconstruction become an opportunity to build stronger institutions, more balanced regional development and a more inclusive economy?

Reconstruction is more than rebuilding buildings

When countries emerge from conflict, reconstruction is often understood primarily in physical terms.

Roads need to be repaired.

Hospitals need to be rebuilt.

Schools need to be restored.

Electricity networks need investment.

Water systems require maintenance.

Public buildings and municipal infrastructure may need reconstruction.

All of these priorities are essential in Libya.

The World Bank has identified infrastructure and basic service delivery — particularly energy, water, health, education and social protection — among the most urgent development needs.

But physical reconstruction alone cannot guarantee sustainable recovery.

A new hospital cannot function effectively without qualified personnel, financing, management systems and reliable electricity.

A new school cannot transform a community without teachers, educational programs and employment opportunities for graduates.

A new road has limited economic impact if businesses cannot obtain financing or access markets.

Reconstruction must therefore combine physical investment with institutional and economic reconstruction.

The institutional problem

Libya's reconstruction challenge is closely connected to the problem of institutional fragmentation.

Years of political division have produced competing administrative structures and weaknesses in coordination between national and local institutions.

The United Nations Development Programme has identified political fragmentation, institutional duplication and administrative inefficiencies as important obstacles to effective governance and service delivery.

This creates a fundamental problem.

A reconstruction program requires decisions about:

Who sets national priorities?

Who controls public funds?

Who supervises projects?

Who determines regional investment priorities?

Who monitors implementation?

Who is accountable when a project fails?

Without clear institutional responsibilities, reconstruction can become fragmented and inefficient.

For this reason, institutional unification is not simply a political objective.

It is also an economic and development requirement.

Why institutional unification matters for development

A unified institutional framework can improve several areas simultaneously.

First, it can strengthen public financial management.

Second, it can improve coordination between national ministries and municipalities.

Third, it can make infrastructure planning more coherent.

Fourth, it can improve transparency in public procurement.

Fifth, it can provide investors with greater predictability.

And sixth, it can help ensure that public services are delivered according to common national standards.

The World Bank's 2026 analysis emphasizes that continued political rivalry continues to impede governance, fiscal coordination and the unification of state institutions.

The issue is therefore not merely administrative.

Institutional fragmentation has direct consequences for citizens.

When institutions compete, services can become uneven.

When budgets are fragmented, development projects can be delayed.

When responsibilities are unclear, accountability becomes difficult.

And when citizens do not know which institution is responsible for a service, trust in government can decline.

The regions cannot wait for national politics

One of Libya's most important development challenges is regional inequality.

The country's geography is enormous, while population and economic activity are concentrated in particular urban areas.

Many communities outside the principal economic centers face weaker access to infrastructure, healthcare, education, water, electricity and employment.

The World Bank describes regional disparities in basic services as a significant challenge, alongside high unemployment and rising poverty risks.

This raises an important question:

Should development wait for a complete national political settlement, or can local development continue while political negotiations remain unresolved?

Experience from Libya's local development programs suggests that both levels can move simultaneously.

The UNDP has been supporting local governance, peacebuilding, resilience and community-level development, including initiatives that allow municipalities to identify their own infrastructure and economic priorities.

This approach recognizes an important reality.

National institutions are necessary for national development.

But municipalities are often the institutions closest to citizens.

Municipalities as engines of reconstruction

Libya's municipalities can play a central role in reconstruction.

A municipality knows where roads are most damaged.

It knows which neighborhoods lack adequate water services.

It knows where schools require rehabilitation.

It can identify local businesses that need support.

And it can communicate directly with residents.

The UNDP's work in Libya increasingly emphasizes local governance, community participation, resilience and locally driven development. Its programs seek to strengthen local institutions and improve access to services and economic opportunities.

This suggests that reconstruction should not be designed entirely from the capital downward.

A more effective model would combine:

National strategy + local planning + transparent financing + community participation.

Such an approach can help ensure that reconstruction reflects actual local needs.

The South and other marginalized regions

The development challenge is particularly visible in Libya's southern regions.

Municipalities in the South face geographical isolation, infrastructure weaknesses, limited economic opportunities and challenges related to public services.

Yet the South also possesses significant potential.

Its location creates opportunities for trade.

Its natural environment offers possibilities for sustainable tourism.

Its agricultural potential can support local production.

And its young population represents an important human resource.

UNDP has documented efforts in southern municipalities to develop inclusive local development plans addressing public infrastructure, services and economic recovery.

This illustrates an important principle:

Marginalized regions should not be treated only as beneficiaries of reconstruction. They should become active participants in development planning.

From reconstruction to local economic development

One of Libya's greatest reconstruction risks is creating an economy based primarily on public expenditure.

If reconstruction projects depend almost entirely on government contracts, the economic impact may disappear once the projects are completed.

A more sustainable approach would connect reconstruction with local economic development.

For example, rebuilding a road should also create opportunities for local transport companies, construction firms, suppliers and small businesses.

Rehabilitating agricultural infrastructure should be linked to food processing and local markets.

Restoring tourism infrastructure should be connected to hotels, restaurants, cultural activities and local entrepreneurs.

Rebuilding digital infrastructure should create opportunities for young people in technology and online services.

In other words:

Every reconstruction project should ideally produce a second economic effect.

The first effect is the infrastructure itself.

The second is the economic activity generated around it.

The private sector has a critical role

Libya cannot rebuild its economy through public spending alone.

The World Bank identifies the country's fragile private sector as one of the structural constraints limiting diversification and job creation.

A reconstruction strategy therefore needs to create space for Libyan companies.

Construction firms can participate in infrastructure projects.

Engineering companies can provide technical services.

Agricultural businesses can develop food production.

Technology companies can support digital government.

Financial institutions can expand access to credit.

Small businesses can provide local services.

Young entrepreneurs can develop new solutions to local problems.

The role of government should increasingly be to establish the rules, infrastructure and security conditions that allow these businesses to operate.

Young people and employment

The reconstruction of Libya is also a reconstruction of its labor market.

A country with a large young population cannot depend indefinitely on public-sector employment.

Young Libyans need opportunities in both traditional and emerging sectors.

Construction and infrastructure can provide immediate employment.

Agriculture can support rural communities.

Manufacturing can create productive jobs.

Renewable energy can generate new technical professions.

Digital services can connect young Libyans to regional and international markets.

Tourism can create employment across multiple sectors.

The transition will require education and vocational training to be aligned with actual labor-market demand.

A reconstruction strategy that builds roads but does not build human capital will remain incomplete.

Digital transformation and modern public administration

Another opportunity is digital transformation.

Libya's institutional fragmentation has made coordination difficult, but digital systems can help improve the exchange of information between public institutions.

UN-supported initiatives have included work on national interoperability frameworks and digital government systems designed to improve data exchange and public-sector coordination.

A modern digital administration could help Libya improve:

Public financial management.

Civil-service records.

Municipal services.

Business registration.

Public procurement.

Land and property records.

Social protection.

Health and education data.

Digitalization is not a substitute for political agreement.

But it can make institutions more efficient and transparent once clear institutional responsibilities are established.

Reconstruction must be transparent

Large reconstruction programs inevitably involve large financial resources.

This creates a major governance challenge.

Without transparent procurement, independent monitoring and public reporting, reconstruction can become vulnerable to waste, corruption or political favoritism.

The World Bank identifies corruption and weaknesses in public financial management among Libya's continuing concerns.

Transparency should therefore be built into reconstruction from the beginning.

Citizens should be able to know:

What project is being financed?

How much does it cost?

Who is implementing it?

What is the expected completion date?

What results have been achieved?

Which institution is responsible?

Such information can strengthen public trust.

It can also help international donors and investors assess whether development resources are being used effectively.

The role of international partners

International organizations have an important role in Libya's recovery, but sustainable reconstruction ultimately requires national ownership.

UNDP currently works with Libyan authorities, civil society and private-sector partners on governance, local development, resilience, social cohesion and economic recovery.

In April 2026, UNDP and Japan announced additional support for human security and resilience, including work in Kufra focused on essential services, economic opportunities and local governance.

Such partnerships can provide technical expertise, financing and institutional support.

But international assistance is most effective when it strengthens Libyan institutions rather than creating parallel systems that disappear when external funding ends.

A new development model for Libya

Libya now has an opportunity to rethink its development model.

The traditional model has been heavily dependent on oil revenues and public expenditure.

The next model could combine:

Oil revenues.

Private investment.

Local economic development.

Digital transformation.

Human capital.

Renewable energy.

Agriculture.

Manufacturing.

Tourism.

Regional trade.

And stronger municipalities.

Such diversification would reduce the vulnerability created by fluctuations in oil production and prices.

It would also create more opportunities for citizens outside the public sector.

Reconstruction as a national project

The most successful reconstruction strategy would not treat Tripoli, Benghazi, Sabha, Misrata, Derna, Kufra and other communities as separate economic islands.

They should become parts of a connected national development system.

That means investing in roads and transport links.

Strengthening electricity and water networks.

Improving telecommunications.

Connecting producers to markets.

Developing regional universities and vocational institutions.

Supporting local businesses.

And giving municipalities greater capacity to manage local development.

The objective should not be to create identical development models everywhere.

Different regions have different economic characteristics.

The South has different opportunities from the coastal cities.

Agricultural regions have different needs from industrial centers.

Tourism destinations have different requirements from major ports.

A successful national strategy should therefore establish common standards while allowing local development solutions.

The citizen must become the measure of reconstruction

Ultimately, reconstruction should be judged by its impact on citizens.

A rebuilt road matters because it reduces travel time and connects businesses to markets.

A restored hospital matters because people receive better healthcare.

A modern water network matters because families gain reliable access to clean water.

A functioning electricity system matters because businesses can operate and children can study.

A vocational training center matters because young people gain employable skills.

A stronger municipality matters because citizens can obtain services more efficiently.

This is why reconstruction should never be reduced to the amount of money spent.

The real measure is what citizens receive in return.

Conclusion: From rebuilding Libya to rebuilding the Libyan state

Libya's reconstruction challenge is fundamentally an institutional challenge as much as an infrastructure challenge.

The country needs roads, hospitals, schools, electricity networks and water systems.

But it also needs institutions capable of planning, financing, implementing and monitoring these investments.

The World Bank has stressed that reconciliation, political stability and institutional reform are essential for Libya's sustainable socioeconomic future, while its recent country diagnostic emphasizes the importance of job creation, inclusive growth and institutional unification.

UNDP's current work similarly places strong emphasis on accountable institutions, local governance, community resilience, public services and inclusive development.

The opportunity is therefore larger than reconstruction.

Libya has the possibility of using reconstruction to create a new relationship between the state and its citizens.

A relationship based on effective public services.

Transparent institutions.

Local participation.

Economic opportunity.

Regional balance.

And accountable management of national resources.

The country does not need merely to rebuild what was damaged by years of conflict.

It needs to build the institutional and economic foundations of a Libya in which development reaches every region and citizens can see the benefits of their country's resources in their daily lives.

That is the deeper meaning of reconstruction.


Keywords: Libya reconstruction, Libya development, Libya political division, Libya institutions, Libya local governance, Libya municipalities, Libya regional development, Libya infrastructure, Libya private sector, Libya youth employment, Libya economic recovery, Libya public services, Libya institutional reform, North Africa development

Sources: World Bank, United Nations Development Programme, United Nations in Libya.

ATEP MED – Arabic Digital Center for Media and Development
Written and published by Mohamed Chaieb
atepmed@gmail.com

Saturday, September 26, 2026

Libya Between Political Division and an Oil-Dependent Economy: Why Has Oil Wealth Failed to Produce Stable Development for Citizens?

 


Libya Between Political Division and an Oil-Dependent Economy: Why Has Oil Wealth Failed to Produce Stable Development for Citizens?

By Mohamed Chaieb – ATEP MED / Arabic Digital Center for Media and Development

Libya possesses one of Africa's largest oil reserves and has the financial resources to support a relatively high standard of living. Yet more than a decade of political division, institutional fragmentation, insecurity and weak economic diversification has prevented the country from turning its oil wealth into stable and sustainable development for all citizens.

The contradiction is striking.

Libya is an oil-rich country, but many Libyans continue to face weaknesses in public services, unemployment, regional disparities, infrastructure problems and uncertainty over the future of the economy.

The fundamental question is therefore not whether Libya has sufficient natural resources.

It is:

Why has enormous oil wealth not been consistently transformed into productive investment, stable employment and better public services?

The answer lies partly in the structure of the Libyan economy and partly in the country's prolonged political and institutional fragmentation.

An economy built around oil

Oil and gas remain the foundation of Libya's economy.

According to the World Bank, hydrocarbons accounted for approximately 65 percent of GDP, 93 percent of exports and 72 percent of government revenues in 2024. The figures demonstrate how deeply the country's economic and fiscal system remains connected to oil production.

This dependence has an obvious advantage: when oil production is strong and international prices are favorable, government revenues can increase rapidly.

But it also creates a major vulnerability.

When production is interrupted, export terminals are blocked, oil facilities are damaged or political disputes affect the institutions responsible for managing petroleum revenues, the consequences extend far beyond the energy sector.

Government finances suffer.

Foreign-exchange availability becomes more difficult.

Public spending is affected.

Investment is delayed.

And citizens may ultimately feel the impact through weaker services and greater economic uncertainty.

Libya's oil wealth therefore represents both its greatest economic asset and one of its greatest structural vulnerabilities.

Political division and the management of oil wealth

The central problem is not simply that Libya depends on oil.

It is that oil revenues are managed within a politically fragmented institutional environment.

The country has struggled for years to establish unified and effective national institutions capable of managing public finances, development priorities and resource revenues transparently.

The World Bank identifies institutional fragmentation, contested management of oil wealth and the weakness of the private sector as major structural constraints on Libya's development.

This fragmentation has economic consequences.

A country cannot easily implement a long-term development strategy when political institutions disagree over budgets, public spending and control of key economic institutions.

The World Bank's recent analysis has emphasized that political division has contributed to difficulties in adopting a unified budget and has weakened fiscal discipline and the transparency of public financial management.

The result is a paradox:

Libya has substantial oil revenues, but the institutional mechanisms required to transform those revenues into long-term national development remain fragile.

When oil production becomes a political variable

Libya's recent economic history provides repeated examples of how political and institutional disputes can affect oil production.

In 2024, a crisis surrounding the Central Bank of Libya contributed to disruptions in oil production. According to the World Bank, oil GDP contracted by 6 percent that year, while the overall economy contracted by 0.6 percent.

Oil production subsequently recovered.

The World Bank reported that average production reached approximately 1.3 million barrels per day in 2025, contributing to a strong economic rebound. Real GDP was estimated to have grown by around 13.3 percent in 2025, with oil GDP increasing by 17.4 percent.

But the lesson is important.

Libya's economic performance can change dramatically depending on whether political and institutional conditions allow oil production to continue normally.

This means that economic growth can be highly volatile.

One year can produce strong growth because oil production recovers.

Another can produce contraction because production is disrupted.

Such an economy finds it difficult to plan long-term development.

The latest warning from the oil sector

This vulnerability remains visible in September 2026.

Recent protests and disruptions affecting oil facilities have again raised concerns about production and exports. Reuters reported that Libya's National Oil Corporation said production remained around 1.4 million barrels per day despite disruptions affecting several oil fields, while warning that prolonged shutdowns could force the declaration of force majeure.

The United Nations Support Mission in Libya has also warned that actions threatening energy infrastructure could result in sanctions under existing UN Security Council resolutions. The warning followed the closure of the Sharara-Zawiya pipeline, with potential consequences for oil production, public revenues, fuel availability and electricity generation.

This illustrates the extraordinary sensitivity of Libya's economy.

A dispute surrounding an oil facility is not merely an industrial dispute.

It can become a national fiscal problem.

Where does the oil money go?

The most important development question is therefore not simply how much oil Libya produces.

It is:

How effectively is oil wealth converted into lasting economic and social assets?

Oil revenues can be used in several ways.

They can finance public-sector salaries.

They can support subsidies.

They can finance infrastructure.

They can fund education and healthcare.

They can support reconstruction.

They can also be invested in productive sectors that create jobs and reduce dependence on oil.

The problem is that heavy recurrent expenditure can consume resources without creating sufficient future productive capacity.

The World Bank has noted that restrictions on spending on essential items such as wages and social transfers have limited the authorities' ability to undertake reconstruction and development projects, while service delivery remains weak in areas including health, education, water and electricity.

This raises a fundamental issue of development policy.

Oil revenue should not only finance today's consumption. It should also build tomorrow's economy.

The weakness of the private sector

Another major problem is the limited development of Libya's private economy.

According to the World Bank, the private sector accounted for only around 14 percent of the workforce in 2025, reflecting the continued dominance of the public sector.

This is a critical issue.

An economy cannot become diversified if most employment and economic opportunities remain connected to the state.

A stronger private sector could create jobs in manufacturing, agriculture, logistics, tourism, construction, digital services, renewable energy and other activities.

But businesses require predictable rules, security, access to finance, foreign exchange and functioning infrastructure.

Political fragmentation makes all of these more difficult.

The World Bank has therefore emphasized reforms aimed at reducing the state's heavy economic footprint, strengthening the business environment and improving access to credit and foreign exchange.

Oil wealth and unemployment

The employment question is particularly important for Libya's young population.

Oil production generates enormous revenues, but the petroleum industry itself cannot employ a large proportion of the population.

This creates a structural contradiction.

A capital-intensive oil industry can generate billions of dollars in revenue while creating relatively few direct jobs.

The solution therefore requires using oil revenues to develop other sectors capable of employing people.

Agriculture and food processing could create rural employment.

Construction and reconstruction could generate jobs and stimulate local businesses.

Tourism could diversify regional economies.

Digital services could create opportunities for educated young people.

Small and medium-sized enterprises could provide employment outside the public sector.

The objective should be to transform oil wealth from an end point into a source of diversification.

Regional inequality

Libya's development challenge also has a geographical dimension.

The country is vast, and economic activity is unevenly distributed.

Political instability has contributed to significant disparities between regions in access to services, infrastructure and economic opportunities.

The World Bank has highlighted stark regional disparities and weaknesses in health, education, water and electricity services.

This means that national oil revenues do not automatically translate into equal development.

A national development strategy must ensure that oil-producing areas and less-developed regions both benefit from investment in infrastructure and human capital.

Regional development can also reduce pressure on major cities and create new economic centers.

The cost of institutional fragmentation

The economic cost of Libya's political division extends beyond lost oil production.

The World Bank estimated that instability over the past decade generated enormous economic losses and found that Libya's 2023 GDP could have been substantially higher without conflict.

Political fragmentation also makes long-term planning difficult.

Governments and institutions may focus on short-term spending rather than multi-year development strategies.

Public investment can become fragmented.

Budget management becomes more difficult.

Investors face uncertainty.

And citizens become dependent on state spending rather than a diversified labor market.

The result is a cycle in which political fragmentation weakens economic development, while economic dependence on oil reinforces political competition over resource control.

Can Libya break the oil-dependence cycle?

Breaking this cycle will require more than increasing oil production.

Libya already has significant oil production capacity.

The deeper challenge is building institutions capable of managing oil revenues transparently and investing them strategically.

Several priorities stand out.

First, Libya needs stronger and more unified public financial management.

Second, oil revenues need to be linked to long-term development priorities.

Third, investment in education, health, infrastructure and digital connectivity must become a central part of economic policy.

Fourth, the private sector needs a predictable regulatory environment.

Fifth, young Libyans need access to employment outside the public sector.

And sixth, oil revenues should increasingly support diversification rather than simply financing recurrent expenditure.

The World Bank's 2026 country diagnostic emphasizes stabilization, sustainable shared prosperity, job creation, economic growth and inclusive development as interconnected priorities for Libya.

Oil is a resource — not a development strategy

Perhaps the most important lesson from Libya is that natural resources alone do not guarantee development.

Oil can provide enormous financial resources.

But transforming those resources into sustainable prosperity requires institutions, transparency, investment, human capital and political stability.

Countries with fewer natural resources can sometimes achieve higher levels of diversification and employment because their economies are forced to develop manufacturing, services, technology and human capital.

For Libya, the challenge is different.

The country must use the wealth generated by oil to build an economy that can eventually depend less on oil.

That requires a long-term national vision.

The citizen at the center of the equation

For the ordinary Libyan citizen, the debate over oil production and political institutions ultimately comes down to very practical questions.

Are electricity services reliable?

Are hospitals functioning properly?

Can young people find employment?

Can businesses operate without excessive administrative barriers?

Are roads, water networks and public infrastructure being maintained?

Are oil revenues being converted into schools, hospitals, productive investments and employment?

These questions are more important to citizens than the headline figure for daily oil production.

A country can produce 1.3 or 1.4 million barrels of oil per day and still face serious development challenges if its institutions cannot transform resource revenues into sustainable public services and economic opportunities.

Conclusion: from oil wealth to development wealth

Libya's economic problem is therefore not a shortage of natural resources.

It is the difficulty of transforming extraordinary natural wealth into stable institutions, diversified production, productive employment and reliable public services.

Oil remains indispensable to the Libyan economy. In the short term, increasing production and protecting energy infrastructure are essential for maintaining revenues and economic stability.

But long-term prosperity requires something more.

Libya needs to transform oil wealth into development wealth.

That means investing in people, infrastructure, education, health, private enterprise and productive sectors.

It also means building institutions capable of managing public money transparently and consistently.

The country's future economic stability will ultimately depend not only on how much oil Libya produces, but on what Libya does with the revenues generated by that oil.

The central development question is therefore simple:

Will oil remain the economy's permanent destination, or can Libya use its oil wealth to build an economy that is capable of prospering beyond oil?

The answer will depend on whether political stability, institutional unification, transparency and economic diversification can move from policy objectives to sustained practice.


Keywords: Libya economy, Libya oil, Libya political division, Libya development, Libya oil revenues, Libya economic diversification, Libya private sector, Libya unemployment, Libya public finances, Libya reconstruction, Libya investment, Libya National Oil Corporation, Libya economic reform, North Africa economy

Sources: World Bank, Reuters, United Nations Support Mission in Libya.

ATEP MED – Arabic Digital Center for Media and Development
Written and published by Mohamed Chaieb
atepmed@gmail.com

Sélection du message

THE SHADOW ECONOMY OUTSIDE TUNIS: HOW INFORMAL MARKETS AND BUSINESSES OPERATE BEYOND THE OFFICIAL STATISTICS

  THE SHADOW ECONOMY OUTSIDE TUNIS How Informal Markets and Businesses Operate Beyond the Official Statistics By Barhoumi Mohamed Chaeib Jou...