From Funding to Impact: What Has IESS-Kairouan Actually Delivered in the Fight Against Poverty in Kairouan?
A document- and
data-based investigative report
Prepared and published by: Mohamed Chaieb Barhoumi
ATEP MED – Arabic Digital Center for Media & Development
Areas: Poverty and Local Development | Employment | Women and Youth | Water |
Climate Adaptation | Development Finance | Development Accountability
INVESTIGATION SUMMARY
The Economic, Social and
Solidarity Integration Project in Kairouan, known as IESS-Kairouan, is a major
development initiative targeting vulnerable rural communities in Kairouan
Governorate, Tunisia. According to the International Fund for Agricultural
Development (IFAD), the project has a total cost of approximately US$51.27
million, financed through contributions from IFAD, the Tunisian government, the
Adaptation Fund and beneficiaries. The project covers seven delegations and 35
rural sectors, including eight rural sectors in El Alaa. Its original design
targeted 16,800 households, approximately 84,000 people, with objectives
related to poverty reduction, income generation, support for women and youth,
improved access to drinking water, and climate resilience.
However, the latest
available supervision documentation in 2026 indicates a gap between elapsed
project time and implementation progress, together with delays affecting
several activities. The central journalistic question is therefore not simply
how much money was allocated, but a more important one:
What has actually been
transformed from this funding into measurable and sustainable improvements in
people's lives?
1. A US$51.27 Million Development Project
The project's total cost
is approximately US$51.27 million. IFAD data indicate approximately US$23.8
million from IFAD, US$9.21 million from the Adaptation Fund, US$15.88 million
in cash financing from the Tunisian government, together with beneficiary
contributions.
The project's official
website also presents the original total cost at approximately TND153.81
million. Differences between dollar and Tunisian-dinar figures should be
considered in the context of exchange-rate changes and financing developments
during implementation.
But the size of the
financing raises a fundamental question:
Have these financial
resources been converted into measurable improvements in the lives of the
targeted households?
2. Where Does the Project Operate?
The project covers seven
delegations: Hajeb El Ayoun, Oueslatia, Ain Jloula, Sbikha, Haffouz, El Alaa and
Chebika, covering a total of 35 rural sectors.
El Alaa is particularly
relevant to this investigation because it contains eight rural sectors, the
largest number among the project's intervention areas.
This provides an
opportunity to move from general project objectives to specific local
interventions and examine whether financing and decisions have actually
translated into services and economic activities benefiting local communities.
3. The Original Target: 16,800 Households
The original project
design targeted 16,800 households, approximately 84,000 people.
Priority groups included
poor and low-income households, small farmers and livestock breeders, with
particular attention to women and youth. The project also established
objectives related to improved living conditions, income-generating activities,
water access and climate adaptation.
Over time, some
targeting and implementation indicators have been revised. This does not
automatically mean project failure. However, it raises an important investigative
question:
Does the revised
targeting represent a realistic adjustment, or does it reflect difficulties in
reaching the project's original target population?
4. After 72% of the Project Period: Physical Implementation at
Approximately 61%
The official IFAD
supervision report issued in August 2026 provides an important indicator.
After approximately 72%
of the project period had elapsed, physical implementation stood at around 61%,
while financial commitments reached approximately 68%, financial execution around
54%, and IFAD loan disbursement approximately 63%.
These figures do not
mean that the project has stopped. They do, however, reveal a gap between
elapsed time and implementation progress.
The supervision report
also classified the project as a Potential Problem Project, indicating risks or
potential difficulties in achieving the expected results.
With the project's
completion date having been extended, an important question emerges:
Will the extension
generate additional development impact, or will it mainly provide additional
time to complete delayed activities?
5. Income-Generating Activities: 427 Out of a Target of 1,820
The project established
a target of 1,820 income-generating activities.
However, the 2026
supervision report indicates that approximately 427 activities had been
established, representing around 28% of the target.
Women accounted for
approximately 42% of beneficiaries of these activities, while young people
represented only around 4%.
The report also
indicates that approximately 96% of the activities were agricultural in nature,
with a strong concentration on sheep fattening and goat breeding.
These figures raise
several questions:
Are these activities
generating sustainable income? How many are still operating? How many have
stopped? Have young people actually benefited? And has the project contributed
to diversifying the rural economy, or does it remain heavily concentrated on
traditional activities?
6. Another 350 Activities Still in Procurement
The supervision
documentation indicates that approximately 350 additional income-generating
activities had been identified and were still under procurement procedures.
This means that part of
the planned economic support had not yet been converted into operational
activities at the time of the report.
The investigation
therefore needs to establish when these activities were delivered, who received
them, what type of support was provided, its value, and what monitoring
mechanisms exist after delivery.
Most importantly:
How many of these activities
will still be operating one or two years after receiving support?
7. Women and Youth: Has Priority Become an Economic Result?
Women and youth are
among the project's priority groups. Yet the available results show a
significant difference between the two groups.
Women represent
approximately 42% of beneficiaries of income-generating activities, while youth
account for only around 4%.
Therefore, simply
identifying women and youth as priority groups is not enough.
The real question is:
Has this priority translated
into economic independence and sustainable income opportunities?
For young people in
particular, the meaningful indicator is not simply how many received training
or support, but how many obtained sustainable income or maintained a viable
economic activity.
8. Training: 3,547 Beneficiaries
Approximately 3,547
people benefited from training, including 1,466 women and 687 young people.
However, the integration
of the climate dimension into training remained limited. According to the
supervision report, only approximately 12% of trained participants benefited
from training with a climate-related component.
This is significant
because climate adaptation is one of the project's major objectives, while many
supported activities depend on agriculture and livestock, sectors particularly
vulnerable to drought, water scarcity and climate change.
9. Water: From a General Objective to Local Projects
The project established
an objective of improving access to drinking water for approximately 4,300
families.
However, this objective
cannot be measured simply by counting projects, tenders or administrative
procedures.
The real indicator is:
Are the targeted
families actually receiving regular and safe water services?
This is why specific
local projects are particularly important for the investigation.
10. Case Study: El Alaa and 51 Rainwater Cisterns
On 17 April 2025, the
official IESS project published a tender for the construction of 51 semi-buried
rainwater cisterns in El Alaa delegation, with a submission deadline of 19 May
2025.
This document is
important because it moves the investigation from general statements about
improving water access to a specific local intervention whose implementation
can be traced.
However, a tender
announcement alone does not prove that all 51 cisterns were completed and
placed into service.
The questions therefore
remain:
What happened after the
tender? Was the contract awarded? How many cisterns were actually constructed?
How many entered service? And how many households benefited from them?
These questions require
completion and acceptance documents, as well as field verification, before they
can be presented as final facts.
11. El Alaa Is Not the Only Local Intervention
The project's official
procurement records reveal other interventions, including semi-buried rainwater
cisterns in Oueslatia and Ain Jloula, the acquisition of populated queen-bee
colonies and equipment linked to honey production, as well as interventions
involving solar energy, water and agriculture.
These documents make it
possible to establish a clear investigative chain:
Announcement → Tender →
Contract → Implementation → Completion → Handover → Use → Impact
This approach transforms
procurement records into an investigative tool rather than treating them as
purely administrative documents.
12. What Do Procurement Documents Reveal?
For a journalist, a
tender announcement is not simply an administrative document. It is the
starting point of a chain of questions.
The investigation can
follow:
- the publication date;
- the number and nature of facilities;
- the tender deadline;
- the company or contractor awarded the contract;
- the contract value;
- the implementation period;
- the completion date;
- the handover status;
- the current condition of the intervention;
- the number of beneficiaries;
- and the actual impact after operation.
This makes it possible
to investigate the full life cycle of a development project, rather than
relying solely on official statements about achievements.
13. Water and Infrastructure: Delays and Cost Changes
The 2026 supervision
report reveals different levels of progress among infrastructure projects.
At Ksar Lamsa,
implementation was approximately 40%, while about 55% of the planned time had
been consumed.
At Ben Jeddou,
implementation reached approximately 95%, but the time consumed reached around
223% of the original period, with a financial amendment of approximately
TND216,000.
At Louata, the estimated
cost of the borehole increased to approximately TND1.3 million, compared with
approximately TND500,000 at the time of the mid-term review.
These figures do not, by
themselves, prove mismanagement or wrongdoing.
They do, however,
require explanation:
What caused the delays?
Why did costs change? Were price increases or technical changes responsible?
Did these changes affect beneficiaries? And, ultimately, did the services reach
the intended communities?
14. From Outputs to Impact
A development project
can build cisterns, establish economic activities, train thousands of people,
construct infrastructure and disburse funds.
But these are outputs.
Impact is different.
Impact means reduced
household vulnerability, increased and sustainable income, continued operation
of supported businesses, greater economic independence for women, improved
opportunities for young people, better access to water, and stronger resilience
to drought and climate change.
This is the gap that the
investigation seeks to measure:
The distance between
what the project produces and what actually changes in people's lives.
15. Investigative Monitoring Scorecard
Target households:
Original target: 16,800 households. The latest direct 2026 target indicates
13,881 households.
Investigative question: Why was the targeting revised?
Target population:
Original design: 84,000 people. The 2026 direct target indicates 27,762 people.
Investigative question: What explains this adjustment in targeting?
Income-generating
activities: Target: 1,820. Established: 427.
Investigative question: Why does implementation remain at approximately 28% of
the target?
Women: Approximately 42%
of income-generating activity beneficiaries.
Investigative question: Has this participation produced sustainable income?
Youth: Approximately 4%.
Investigative question: Why has youth participation remained limited?
Training: 3,547 beneficiaries.
Investigative question: What happened after the training?
Climate-related
training: Approximately 12%.
Investigative question: Is this sufficient to support the project's
climate-adaptation objectives?
Physical implementation:
Approximately 61% after 72% of the project period.
Investigative question: Does this create a risk for final impact?
Financial execution:
Approximately 54%.
Investigative question: Can implementation be accelerated?
IFAD loan disbursement:
Approximately 63%.
Investigative question: Does financial disbursement correspond to measurable
results?
Water: Target of
approximately 4,300 families.
Investigative question: Did the service actually reach the targeted households?
El Alaa: 51 rainwater
cisterns announced through a 2025 tender.
Investigative question: How many were completed and placed into service?
16. What Do the Documents Establish — and What Still Requires
Verification?
The official documents
establish the project's financing, intervention area, original objectives, several
implementation results, progress indicators, the existence of an official
tender for 51 rainwater cisterns in El Alaa, other water and agricultural
interventions, and delays affecting certain infrastructure projects.
However, several
important questions still require additional verification.
These include the actual
number of completed cisterns, the number of households using them, the
sustainability of income-generating activities, the income they generate, the
number of activities that have stopped, the real economic impact on youth and
women, and the quality and continuity of water services.
These issues should be
verified through local records, completion and acceptance documents, interviews
with beneficiaries and, where possible, field reporting.
17. Questions for the Next Stage of the Investigation
What happened to the 51
cisterns in El Alaa?
Was the contract
awarded? To whom? What was its value?
Were the works
completed?
How many cisterns
entered service?
How many households are
benefiting?
What is the current
status of the 427 income-generating activities?
How many are still
operating?
How many young people
obtained sustainable income?
How many women achieved
greater economic independence?
Has the project achieved
its objective of improving water access for approximately 4,300 families?
And what will happen to
the supported activities and infrastructure after external financing ends?
CONCLUSION
The analysis of official
documents concerning IESS-Kairouan reveals a major development project with a total
cost of approximately US$51.27 million, covering extensive rural areas of
Kairouan Governorate and addressing poverty, income generation, women and
youth, water access and climate adaptation.
But funding is not the
same as impact.
The original project
design targeted 16,800 households and established a target of 1,820
income-generating activities, together with improved access to drinking water
for approximately 4,300 families.
In contrast, the latest
supervision data indicate approximately 427 established income-generating
activities, representing around 28% of the target, while overall physical
implementation stood at approximately 61% after around 72% of the project
period had elapsed.
In El Alaa, an official
document shows that a tender was launched in April 2025 for the construction of
51 semi-buried rainwater cisterns.
These figures do not
prove that the project has failed.
They do, however, raise
a fundamental question for any development programme financed through public
and international resources:
FROM FUNDING TO IMPACT: WHAT HAS ACTUALLY
CHANGED IN PEOPLE'S LIVES?
Methodology and Sources
This investigation is
based on an analysis of official project documentation, particularly project
design documents, supervision reports, the mid-term review, project data and
procurement records.
The investigation does
not make allegations of corruption or mismanagement without independent
evidence. It distinguishes between:
Funding → Implementation
→ Outputs → Results → Impact
The final social and
economic impact requires further verification through local documentation,
completion and acceptance records, interviews with beneficiaries and field
reporting.
Primary sources: IFAD – IESS-Kairouan Project; Official
IESS-Kairouan project website; official IESS-Kairouan procurement records
Investigative Methodology & Accountability Focus
This investigation examines whether a major development project in Kairouan, Tunisia, is translating substantial financial commitments into measurable improvements for vulnerable households and communities.
The project, estimated at US$51.27 million, was designed to support approximately 16,800 households through poverty reduction, income-generating activities, improved water access and climate adaptation. The investigation compares the project’s planned objectives with available evidence on financial execution, physical implementation, income-generating activities, beneficiary participation and climate-related interventions.
Using official project information, public documents, implementation indicators and documentary cross-checking, the investigation identifies gaps between planned targets, reported progress and measurable outputs. It examines, in particular, the establishment of income-generating activities, the participation of women and young people, climate-related training and the implementation of water infrastructure.
Rather than assessing success solely through expenditure or completion rates, the investigation asks a central accountability question:
Are the resources committed to the project producing sustainable and measurable improvements in the lives of the people they are intended to support?
The investigation also identifies areas requiring further field verification, including infrastructure completion and use, the sustainability of income-generating activities, household-level economic benefits and the long-term impact of project interventions.
A document- and data-based investigative report
Prepared and published by: Mohamed Chaieb Barhoumi
ATEP MED – Arabic Digital Center for Media & Development
The reporting combines document-based investigation, financial and data analysis, source verification and an accountability-focused approach to development journalism.

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